This image tell us that early nineteenth-century britons greeted industrial advances with

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• I. Introduction
• II. Early Republic Economic Development
• III. The Decline of Northern Slavery and the Rise of the Cotton Kingdom
• IV. Changes in Labor Organization
• V. Changes in Gender Roles and Family Life
• VI. The Rise of Industrial Labor in Antebellum America
• VII. Conclusion
• VIII. Primary Sources
• IX. Reference Material

I. Introduction

In the early years of the nineteenth century, Americans’ endless commercial ambition—what one Baltimore paper in 1815 called an “almost universal ambition to get forward”—remade the nation.1 Between the Revolution and the Civil War, an old subsistence world died and a new more-commercial nation was born. Americans integrated the technologies of the Industrial Revolution into a new commercial economy. Steam power, the technology that moved steamboats and railroads, fueled the rise of American industry by powering mills and sparking new national transportation networks. A “market revolution” remade the nation.

The revolution reverberated across the country. More and more farmers grew crops for profit, not self-sufficiency. Vast factories and cities arose in the North. Enormous fortunes materialized. A new middle class ballooned. And as more men and women worked in the cash economy, they were freed from the bound dependence of servitude. But there were costs to this revolution. As northern textile factories boomed, the demand for southern cotton swelled, and American slavery accelerated. Northern subsistence farmers became laborers bound to the whims of markets and bosses. The market revolution sparked explosive economic growth and new personal wealth, but it also created a growing lower class of property-less workers and a series of devastating depressions, called “panics.” Many Americans labored for low wages and became trapped in endless cycles of poverty. Some workers, often immigrant women, worked thirteen hours a day, six days a week. Others labored in slavery. Massive northern textile mills turned southern cotton into cheap cloth. And although northern states washed their hands of slavery, their factories fueled the demand for slave-grown southern cotton and their banks provided the financing that ensured the profitability and continued existence of the American slave system. And so, as the economy advanced, the market revolution wrenched the United States in new directions as it became a nation of free labor and slavery, of wealth and inequality, and of endless promise and untold perils.

II. Early Republic Economic Development

The growth of the American economy reshaped American life in the decades before the Civil War. Americans increasingly produced goods for sale, not for consumption. Improved transportation enabled a larger exchange network. Labor-saving technology improved efficiency and enabled the separation of the public and domestic spheres. The market revolution fulfilled the revolutionary generation’s expectations of progress but introduced troubling new trends. Class conflict, child labor, accelerated immigration, and the expansion of slavery followed. These strains required new family arrangements and transformed American cities.

American commerce had proceeded haltingly during the eighteenth century. American farmers increasingly exported foodstuffs to Europe as the French Revolutionary Wars devastated the continent between 1793 and 1815. America’s exports rose in value from $20.2 million in 1790 to $108.3 million by 1807.2 But while exports rose, exorbitant internal transportation costs hindered substantial economic development within the United States. In 1816, for instance, $9 could move one ton of goods across the Atlantic Ocean, but only thirty miles across land. An 1816 Senate Committee Report lamented that “the price of land carriage is too great” to allow the profitable production of American manufactures. But in the wake of the War of 1812, Americans rushed to build a new national infrastructure, new networks of roads, canals, and railroads. In his 1815 annual message to Congress, President James Madison stressed “the great importance of establishing throughout our country the roads and canals which can best be executed under national authority.”3 State governments continued to sponsor the greatest improvements in American transportation, but the federal government’s annual expenditures on internal improvements climbed to a yearly average of $1,323,000 by Andrew Jackson’s presidency.4.

Clyde Osmer DeLand, “The First Locomotive. Aug. 8th, 1829. Trial Trip of the “Stourbridge Lion,” 1916. Library of Congress.

State legislatures meanwhile pumped capital into the economy by chartering banks. The number of state-chartered banks skyrocketed from 1 in 1783, 266 in 1820, and 702 in 1840 to 1,371 in 1860.5 European capital also helped build American infrastructure. By 1844, one British traveler declared that “the prosperity of America, her railroads, canals, steam navigation, and banks, are the fruit of English capital.”6

Economic growth, however, proceeded unevenly. Depressions devastated the economy in 1819, 1837, and 1857. Each followed rampant speculation in various commodities: land in 1819, land and enslaved laborers in 1837, and railroad bonds in 1857. Eventually the bubbles all burst. The spread of paper currency untethered the economy from the physical signifiers of wealth familiar to the colonial generation, namely land. Counterfeit bills were endemic during this early period of banking. With so many fake bills circulating, Americans were constantly on the lookout for the “confidence man” and other deceptive characters in the urban landscape. Con men and women could look like regular honest Americans. Advice literature offered young men and women strategies for avoiding hypocrisy in an attempt to restore the social fiber. Intimacy in the domestic sphere became more important as duplicity proliferated in the public sphere. Fear of the confidence man, counterfeit bills, and a pending bust created anxiety in the new capitalist economy. But Americans refused to blame the logic of their new commercial system for these depressions. Instead, they kept pushing “to get forward.”

The so-called Transportation Revolution opened the vast lands west of the Appalachian Mountains. In 1810, before the rapid explosion of American infrastructure, Margaret Dwight left New Haven, Connecticut, in a wagon headed for Ohio Territory. Her trip was less than five hundred miles but took six weeks to complete. The journey was a terrible ordeal, she said. The roads were “so rocky & so gullied as to be almost impassable.”7 Ten days into the journey, at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, Dwight said “it appeared to me that we had come to the end of the habitable part of the globe.” She finally concluded that “the reason so few are willing to return from the Western country, is not that the country is so good, but because the journey is so bad.”8 Nineteen years later, in 1829, English traveler Frances Trollope made the reverse journey across the Allegheny Mountains from Cincinnati to the East Coast. At Wheeling, Virginia, her coach encountered the National Road, the first federally funded interstate infrastructure project. The road was smooth and her journey across the Alleghenies was a scenic delight. “I really can hardly conceive a higher enjoyment than a botanical tour among the Alleghany Mountains,” she declared. The ninety miles of the National Road was to her “a garden.”9

This anti-Catholic print depicts Catholic priests arriving by boat and then threatening Uncle Sam and a young Protestant boy who holds out a Bible in resistance. An anti-Catholic cartoon, reflecting the nativist perception of the threat posed by the Roman Church’s influence in the United States through Irish immigration and Catholic education. N. Currier, “The Propagation Society, More Free than Welcome,” 1855. Library of Congress.

In the 1840s, labor activists organized to limit working hours and protect children in factories. The New England Association of Farmers, Mechanics and Other Workingmen [NEA] mobilized to establish a ten-hour workday across industries. They argued that the ten-hour day would improve the immediate conditions of laborers by allowing “time and opportunities for intellectual and moral improvement.”48 After a citywide strike in Boston in 1835, the Ten-Hour Movement quickly spread to other major cities such as Philadelphia. The campaign for leisure time was part of the male working-class effort to expose the hollowness of the paternalistic claims of employers and their rhetoric of moral superiority.49

Women, a dominant labor source for factories since the early 1800s, launched some of the earliest strikes for better conditions. Textile operatives in Lowell, Massachusetts, “turned out” [walked off] their jobs in 1834 and 1836. During the Ten-Hour Movement of the 1840s, female operatives provided crucial support. Under the leadership of Sarah Bagley, the Lowell Female Labor Reform Association organized petition drives that drew thousands of signatures from “mill girls.” Like male activists, Bagley and her associates used the desire for mental improvement as a central argument for reform. An 1847 editorial in the Voice of Industry, a labor newspaper published by Bagley, asked, “who, after thirteen hours of steady application to monotonous work, can sit down and apply her mind to deep and long continued thought?”50 Despite the widespread support for a ten-hour day, the movement achieved only partial success. President Martin Van Buren established a ten-hour-day policy for laborers on federal public works projects. New Hampshire passed a statewide law in 1847, and Pennsylvania followed a year later. Both states, however, allowed workers to voluntarily consent to work more than ten hours per day.

In 1842, child labor became a dominant issue in the American labor movement. The protection of child laborers gained more middle-class support than the protection of adult workers. A petition from parents in Fall River, a southern Massachusetts mill town that employed a high portion of child workers, asked the legislature for a law “prohibiting the employment of children in manufacturing establishments at an age and for a number of hours which must be permanently injurious to their health and inconsistent with the education which is essential to their welfare.”51 Massachusetts quickly passed a law prohibiting children under age twelve from working more than ten hours a day. By the midnineteenth century, every state in New England had followed Massachusetts’s lead. Between the 1840s and 1860s, these statutes slowly extended the age of protection of labor and the assurance of schooling. Throughout the region, public officials agreed that young children [between ages nine and twelve] should be prevented from working in dangerous occupations, and older children [between ages twelve and fifteen] should balance their labor with education and time for leisure.52

Male workers sought to improve their income and working conditions to create a household that kept women and children protected within the domestic sphere. But labor gains were limited, and the movement remained moderate. Despite its challenge to industrial working conditions, labor activism in antebellum America remained largely wedded to the free labor ideal. The labor movement later supported the northern free soil movement, which challenged the spread of slavery in the 1840s, simultaneously promoting the superiority of the northern system of commerce over the southern institution of slavery while trying, much less successfully, to reform capitalism.

VII. Conclusion

During the early nineteenth century, southern agriculture produced by enslaved labor fueled northern industry produced by wage workers and managed by the new middle class. New transportation, new machinery, and new organizations of labor integrated the previously isolated pockets of the colonial economy into a national industrial operation. Industrialization and the cash economy tied diverse regions together at the same time that ideology drove Americans apart. By celebrating the freedom of contract that distinguished the wage worker from the indentured servant of previous generations or the enslaved laborer in the southern cotton field, political leaders claimed the American Revolution’s legacy for the North. But the rise of industrial child labor, the demands of workers to unionize, the economic vulnerability of women, and the influx of non-Anglo immigrants left many Americans questioning the meaning of liberty after the market revolution.

VIII. Primary Sources

1. James Madison asks Congress to support internal improvements, 1815

After the War of 1812, Americans looked to strengthen their nation through government spending on infrastructure, or what were then called internal improvements. In his seventh annual address to congress, Madison called for public investment to create national roads, canals, and even a national seminary. He also called for a tariff, or tax on certain imports, designed to make foreign goods more expensive, giving American producers an advantage in domestic markets. 

2. A traveler describes life along the Erie Canal, 1829

Basil Hall, a British visitor traveled along the Erie Canal and took careful notes on what he found. In this excerpt, he described life in Rochester, New York. Rochester, and other small towns in upstate New York, grew rapidly as a result of the Erie Canal. 

3. Blacksmith apprentice contract, 1836

The factories and production of the Market Revolution eroded the wealth and power of skilled small business owners called artisans. This indenture contract illustrated the former way of doing things, where a young person would agree to serve for a number of years as an apprentice to a skilled artisan before venturing out on his own. 

4. Maria Stewart bemoans the consequences of racism, 1832

Maria Stewart electrified audiences in Boston with a number of powerful speeches. Her most common theme was the evil of slavery. However, here she attacks the soul-crushing consequences of racism in American capitalism, claiming that the lack of social and economic equality doomed Black Americans to a life of suffering and spiritual death.

5. Rebecca Burlend recalls her emigration from England to Illinois, 1848

Rebecca Burlend, her husband, and children emigrated to Illinois from England in 1831. These reflections describe her reaction to landing in New Orleans, sailing up the Mississippi to St. Louis, and finally arriving at her new home in Illinois. This was her first experience encountering American slavery, the American landscape, and the rugged living conditions of her new home. 

6. Harriet H. Robinson remembers a mill workers’ strike, 1836

The social upheavals of the Market Revolution created new tensions between rich and poor, particularly between the new class of workers and the new class of managers. Lowell, Massachusetts was the location of the first American factory. In this document, a woman reminisces about a strike that she participated in at a Lowell textile mill. 

7. Alexis de Toqueville, “How Americans Understand the Equality of the Sexes,” 1840

The French political thinker Alexis de Toqueville travelled extensively through the United States in gathering research for his book Democracy In America. In this excerpt, he described the belief that American men and women lived in “separate spheres:” men in public, women in the home. This expectation justified the denial of rights to women. All women were denied political rights in nineteenth century America, but only a small number of wealthy families could afford to remove women from economic production, like de Toqueville claimed.

8. Abolitionist sheet music cover page, 1844

The “transportation revolution” shaped economic change in the early 1800s, but the massive construction of railroads also had a profound impact on American politics and culture. This sheet music title page shows how abolitionists used railroad imagery to advocate for the immediate emancipation of enslaved people and to promote their political platform before the 1844 presidential election.

9. Anti-Catholic cartoon, 1855

Irish immigration transformed American cities. Yet many Americans greeted the new arrivals with suspicion or hostility. Nathanial Currier’s anti-Catholic cartoon reflected the popular American perception that Irish Catholic immigrants posed a threat to the United States. 

IX. Reference Material

This chapter was edited by Jane Fiegen Green, with content contributions by Kelly Arehart, Myles Beaurpre, Kristin Condotta, Jane Fiegen Green, Nathan Jeremie-Brink, Lindsay Keiter, Brenden Kennedy, William Kerrigan, Christopher Sawula, David Schley, and Evgenia Shayder Shoop.

Recommended citation: Kelly Arehart et al., “Market Revolution,” Jane Fiegen Green, ed., in The American Yawp, eds. Joseph Locke and Ben Wright [Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2018].

Recommended Reading

• Balleisen, Edward J. Navigating Failure: Bankruptcy and Commercial Society in Antebellum America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001.
• Blewett, Mary H. Men, Women, and Work: Class, Gender, and Protest in the New England Shoe Industry, 1780–1910. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988.
• Boydston, Jeanne. Home and Work: Housework, Wages, and the Ideology of Labor in the Early Republic. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990.
• Dublin, Thomas. Transforming Women’s Work: New England Lives in the Industrial Revolution. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994.
• Faler, Paul G. Mechanics and Manufacturers in the Early Industrial Revolution: Lynn, Massachusetts, 1760–1860. Albany: SUNY Press, 1981.
• Foner, Eric. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party Before the Civil War. New York: Oxford University Press, 1970.
• Greenberg, Joshua R. Advocating the Man: Masculinity, Organized Labor, and the Household in New York, 1800–1840. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008.
• Halttunen, Karen. Confidence Men and Painted Women: A Study of Middle-Class Culture in America, 1830–1870. Yale University Press, 1982.
• Hartigan-O’Connor, Ellen. The Ties That Buy: Women and Commerce in Revolutionary America. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009.
• Howe, Daniel Walker. What Hath God Wrought: The Transformation of America, 1815–1848. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.
• Innes, Stephen, ed. Work and Labor in Early America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988.
• Jabour, Anya. Marriage in the Early Republic: Elizabeth and William Wirt and the Companionate Ideal. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998.
• Larson, John Lauritz. The Market Revolution in America: Liberty, Ambition, and the Eclipse of the Common Good. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
• Levy, Jonathan. Freaks of Fortune: The Emerging World of Capitalism and Risk in America. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012.
• Luskey, Brian P. On the Make: Clerks and the Quest for Capital in Nineteenth-Century America. New York: New York University Press, 2010.
• Matson, Cathy, and Wendy A. Woloson. Risky Business: Winning and Losing in the Early American Economy, 1780–1850. Philadelphia: Library Company of Philadelphia, 2003.
• McNeur, Catherine. Taming Manhattan: Environmental Battles in the Antebellum City. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014.
• Melish, Joanne Pope. Disowning Slavery: Gradual Emancipation and “Race” in New England, 1780–1860. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998.
• Mihm, Stephen. A Nation of Counterfeiters: Capitalists, Con Men, and the Making of the United States. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009.
• Murphy, Teresa Anne. Ten Hours’ Labor: Religion, Reform, and Gender in Early New England. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992.
• Rice, Stephen P. Minding the Machine: Languages of Class in Early Industrial America. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004.
• Rothenberg, Winifred Barr. From Market-Places to a Market Economy: The Transformation of Rural Massachusetts, 1750–1850. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992.
• Ryan, Mary P. Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790–1865. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981.
• Sellers, Charles Grier. The Market Revolution: Jacksonian America, 1815–1846. New York: Oxford University Press, 1991.
• Tucker, Barbara M. Samuel Slater and the Origins of the American Textile Industry, 1790–1860. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984.

Notes

1. Niles’ Weekly Register [December 2, 1815], 238. [↩]
2. Douglass C. North, Economic Growth in the United States, 1790–1860 [Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1961], 25. [↩]
3. James Madison, Annual Message to Congress, December 5, 1815. [↩]
4. William L. Garrison and David M. Levinson, The Transportation Experience: Policy, Planning, and Deployment [New York: Oxford University Press, 2014], 51. [↩]
5. Warren E. Weber, “Early State Banks in the United States: How Many Were There and When Did They Exist?” Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, Quarterly Review 30, no. 1 [September 2006]: 28–40. [↩]
6. John Robert Godley, Letters from America [London: Murray, 1844], 267. [↩]
7. Margaret Van Horn Dwight, A Journey to Ohio in 1810, ed. Max Farrand [New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1912], 13. [↩]
8. Ibid., 37. [↩]
9. Frances Trollope, Domestic Manners of the Americans, Vol. 1 [London: Whittaker, Treacher, 1832], 274. [↩]
10. Cathy Matson and Wendy A. Woloson, Risky Business: Winning and Losing in the Early American Economy, 1780–1850 [Philadelphia: Library Company of Philadelphia: 2003], 29. [↩]
11. Leonard P. Curry, The Corporate City: The American City as a Political Entity, 1800–1850 [Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1997], 46. [↩]
12. Jefferson to George Logan, November 12, 1816, in Works of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Paul Leicester Ford, Federal Edition, Vol. 12 [New York: 1904], 12–43 [↩]
13. Quoted in Michael Zakim and Gary John Kornblith, eds., Capitalism Takes Command: The Social Transformation of Nineteenth-Century America [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012], 158. [↩]
14. Philip Scranton, Proprietary Capitalism: The Textile Manufacture at Philadelphia, 1800–1885 [New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983], 12. [↩]
15. Robert J. Cottrol, ed., From African to Yankee: Narratives of Slavery and Freedom in Antebellum New England [Armonk, NY: Sharpe, 1998], 62. [↩]
16. The 1830 census enumerates 3,568 enslaved people in the northern states [Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Vermont]. 1830 U.S. Census data taken from Minnesota Population Center, National Historical Geographic Information System: Version 2.0 [Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 2011], //www.nhgis.org; David Menschel, “Abolition Without Deliverance: The Law of Connecticut Slavery 1784–1848,” Yale Law Journal 111, no. 1 [October 2001]: 191; James J. Gigantino II, The Ragged Road to Abolition: Slavery and Freedom in New Jersey 1775–1865 [Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015], 248. [↩]
17. Minnesota Population Center. National Historical Geographic Information System: Version 2.0. [↩]
18. Louisiana Courier, February 12, 1840. [↩]
19. U.S. Census Office 8th Census 1860 and James Madison Edmunds, Manufactures of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census, Under the Direction of the Secretary of the Interior [Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1865]. [↩]
20. Ira Berlin, Generations of Captivity: A History of African-American Slaves [Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2003], 168–169. [↩]
21. Sarah “Sally” Rice to her father, February 23, 1845, published in The New England Mill Village, 1790–1860 [Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1982], 390. [↩]
22. Factory Tracts: Factory Life as It Is, no. 1 [Lowell, MA: Female Labor Reform Association 1845], 4]. [↩]
23. Malenda M. Edwards to Sabrina Bennett, April 4, 1839, quoted in Thomas Dublin, ed., Farm to Factory Women’s Letters, 1830–1860 [New York: Columbia University Press, 1993], 74. [↩]
24. “Apprentices No. 2,” New York Observer, October 14, 1826. [↩]
25. Reverend Alonzo Potter, Political Economy: Its Objects, Uses, and Principles [New York: Potter, 1840], 92. [↩]
26. Daniel Webster, “Lecture Before the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge,” in The Writings and Speeches of Daniel Webster: Writings and Speeches Hitherto Uncollected, vol. 1. Addresses on Various Occasions, ed. Edward Everett [Boston: Little, Brown, 1903]; Carl Siracusa, A Mechanical People: Perceptions of the Industrial Order in Massachusetts, 1815–1880 [Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1979], 157. [↩]
27. Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men : The Ideology of the Republican Party Before the Civil War [New York: Oxford University Press, 1970]. [↩]
28. “Notice to House Carpenters in the Country,” Columbian Centinel, April 23, 1825. [↩]
29. John R. Commons, ed., A Documentary History of American Industrial Society [New York: Russell and Russell, 1958], Vol. 6: 79. [↩]
30. Abraham Lincoln, Speech at Kalamazoo, Michigan, Aug. 27, 1856, in Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. 2 [New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1953], 364. [↩]
31. Joseph Tuckerman, Mr. Tuckerman’s Eight Semiannual Report in His Service as a Minister at Large in Boston [Boston: Gray and Bowen, 1831], 21c. [↩]
32. Warren Colburn, “Advertisement for Colburn’s school for young gentlemen preparing for mercantile and other pursuits, 19 Sep 1820,” Massachusetts Historical Society. [↩]
33. Proceedings of the School Committee, of the Town of Boston, respecting an English Classical School [Boston: The Committee, 1820]. [↩]
34. William Davis to Elizabeth Davis, March 21, 1816; June 23, 1816; November 17, 1816; Davis Family Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society. [↩]
35. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, Vol. II., ed. Phillips Bradley [New York: Knopf, 1945], 196. [↩]
36. A Catalogue of the Officers, Teachers, and Pupils in Bristol Academy [Taunton, MA: Bradford and Amsbury, 1837]. [↩]
37. Nancy Denison recommendation, May 1825, Titus Orcott Brown Papers, Maine Historical Society. [↩]
38. Indentures and Other Documents Binding Minor Wards of the Society for the Reformation of Juvenile Delinquents of the City of New York as apprentices to Sylvester Lusk of Enfield, 1828–1838, Sylvester Lusk Papers, Connecticut Historical Society. [↩]
39. Advertisement in Providence Gazette, October 1794. [↩]
40. Steven Mintz, Huck’s Raft: A History of American Childhood [Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 2004]. [↩]
41. Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, A Midwife’s Tale: The Life of Martha Ballard, Based on Her Diary, 1785–1812 [New York: Knopf, 1990]. [↩]
42. Ellen Hartigan-O’Connor, The Ties That Buy: Women and Commerce in Revolutionary America [Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009], 138. [↩]
43. Anya Jabour, Marriage in the Early Republic: Elizabeth and William Wirt and the Companionate Ideal [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998]. [↩]
44. Bill Ong Hing, Defining America Through Immigration Policy [Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2004], 278–284. [↩]
45. John Powell, Encyclopedia of North American Immigration [New York: Facts on File, 2005], 154. [↩]
46. H. B. Grinstein, The Rise of the Jewish Community in New York, 1654–1860 [Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1945], 469. [↩]
47. Commonwealth v. Hunt, 45 Mass. 111 [1842]. [↩]
48. New England Artisan and Laboring Man’s Repository [Pawtucket, Providence, and Boston], March 8, 1832. [↩]
49. Teresa Anne Murphy, Ten Hours’ Labor: Religion, Reform, and Gender in Early New England [Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992]. [↩]
50. [Sarah Bagley], “The Blindness of the Age,” Voice of Industry, April 23, 1847. [↩]
51. Legislative Documents, 1842, House, No. 4, p. 3, in Elizabeth Dabney Langhorne Lewis Otey, The Beginnings of Child Labor Legislation in Certain States: A Comparative Study [New York: Arno Press, 1974], 78]. [↩]
52. Miriam E. Loughran, “The Historical Development of Child-Labor Legislation in the United States,” PhD diss., Catholic University of America, 1921, p. 67. [↩]

Why did the Industrial Revolution begin in Europe especially Great Britain in the 19th century and not China or India?

Why did the Industrial Revolution start in Britain?

How did the Industrial Revolution affect European societies during the 18th and 19th centuries?

When was the Industrial Revolution in Britain?